SEVEN REASONS WHY DALAI LAMA SHOULD NOT VISIT CHINA

At a time when Dharamsala and Tibet appear to be at a very vulnerable position vis-a-vis Beijing, it will be imperative for Dalai Lama as well as his advisers, to seriously measure the pros and cons of his proposed visit to China.

by - VIJAY KRANTI

Observers of Beijing-Dharamsala relations are these days keenly focused on the chances of Dalai Lama visiting China for a Buddhist pilgrimage to Wutai Shan. The issue might look casual or insignificant to the uninitiated who will see nothing special about a religious leader visiting a pilgrimage site. But knowing Tibet's place in China's geo-political aspirations and the significance of present Dalai Lama in their future game, this probable event holds the potential of changing the geo-political discourse of Asia far more than any eventful development of this region in recent decades.

Signals emanating from Dharamsala over recent years have led to speculations among many Tibet watchers that despite the eight-year long dialogue (2002-2010) having failed and stalled abruptly by Beijing, the talks are still on, though at some different levels. Many among Tibet-China watchers feel that an influential section among Tibetan exile leadership is keen to pull a deal between Dalai Lama's 'Central Tibetan Administration' (CTA) in Dharamsala and the Chinese rulers of Tibet. Or, at least, to send him on a visit to China before it is too late for the ageing Tibetan leader.

CLEAR SIGNALS FROM BEIJING
Though senior functionaries in Dharamsala have been maintaining strict secrecy, yet recent developments, including an unpublicised meeting of a minister ranking Chinese official with Dalai Lama in Dharamsala few months ago, have not gone unnoticed from the prying eyes. And now a chain of signals from Beijing and other quarters confirm that Chinese leaders are desperate to receive the former exiled ruler and supreme religious leader of their colony -- even if this visit is short and just for a 'pilgrimage'.

Hu Shisheng, an important Chinese brain on Tibet related issues and a Director at the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR), run by the State Council of China, said on 24th February this year in Beijing that Dalai Lama's pilgrimage to Mount Wutai (Wutai Shan) would be a 'historic event' and... 'really a breakthrough'. In another commentary, published a day before President Xi Jinping visited India, China's Sina.com quoted 'informed sources familiar with the situation' as saying that Dalai Lama's return to China would be a 'win-win' situation. Chinese media has widely quoted Wu Yingjie, the Deputy Secretary of Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) as saying that the talks with Dalai Lama's personal envoy about Dalai Lama's return were 'proceeding smoothly'. On 2nd Oct 2014 the French news agency AFP even quoted Dalai Lama from Dharamsala as telling its reporter that he was in informal talks with Beijing over his 'long held wish to make a pilgrimage trip to China'.

WAR OF WITS ?
It was exactly nine years ago on 10th March 2006 when Dalai Lama used his annual address on the national 'Uprising Day' of Tibet at Dharamsala to publicly express his desire to visit China for a pilgrimage. His statement came in the middle of ongoing talks between his envoys and Beijing. Observers initially thought that this statement was yet another salvo in the ongoing war of wits between him and Beijing. People around Dalai Lama believed that his visit to Tibet or China would attract a Tsunami of Chinese and Tibetan believers which would increase his bargaining power with Beijing.

BEIJING : FROM COLD TO WARM
But his statement was greeted with the usual sarcastic contempt that Beijing rulers have always kept reserved for the Dalai Lama since China occupied his country in 1951 and his subsequent escape to exile in 1959. On 13th April, 2006 Qi Xiaofei, Vice-Director of the Chinese state administration for religious affairs said, "The Dalai Lama is not only a religious figure, but is also a long-time stubborn secessionist who has tried to split his Chinese motherland and break the unity among different ethnic groups."

Interestingly in July same year rumours of Dalai Lama visiting Kumbum, the most revered monastery near Dalai Lama's birth place in Qinghai, spread like a wild fire. Soon the town was flooded with thousands of Tibetan and Chinese devotees to have a view of him. But as soon as the crowds started reaching a critical level the Chinese government media announced that it was a hoax and security forces pushed out the crowd. Observers believe that it was a well planned Chinese move to have a fair idea of and to prepare in advance for the public reaction if Dalai Lama actually comes on a visit.

CHINA SINGING, OR ALARM BELLS ?
After a gap of nine years this sudden 180 degree turn in Beijing's response to the idea of Dalai Lama's visit to China clearly reflects a new kind of self confidence which is replacing the characteristic irritability, scepticism and even fear psychosis demonstrated by the Chinese leaders on anything related to Dalai Lama or Tibet over past six decades. It is this very change in the Chinese gestures and public articulation which deserves serious attention of the Dalai Lama, his advisors and his supporters when they sit to weigh the advantages and risks of the Tibetan leader's proposed pilgrimage to China or fresh negotiations with Beijing.

Looking back at how deftly Beijing and Dharamsala have been playing their cards in past two decades, one cannot escape the stark contrast. While Beijing has been making impressive strides on almost every front to improve its grip on Tibet and check-mate the international opposition to its Tibet policy, Dharamsala has been consistently frittering away all the advantages and virtues that Dalai Lama and his fellow Tibetans had earned with great efforts since 1950s in their struggle against Chinese occupation of Tibet.

CHINA VISIT : THE MOUSE TRAP ?
It is difficult for anyone to predict how much religious virtues or political mileage Dharamsala can hope, if at all, from Dalai Lama's visit to China. But we have a long history of Tibet-China relations to believe that Tibet or Dalai Lama have never been a match to Beijing's skills in interpreting or showcasing any positive step from Dalai Lama as an endorsement or confirmation of the communist leaders' actions and claims on Tibet. Most glaring example was the Dalai Lama's visit to China in 1954 which Beijing leaders presented to the world as an endorsement of Chinese rule over Tibet. It therefore leads one to believe that the proposed visit of Dalai Lama to China in present situation is bound to fill all that moral, legal, political and strategic void which China has been miserably missing about her colonial control over Tibet, especially since 1959 flight of Dalai Lama into exile.

THREE PRECIOUS CONSTITUENCIES
As a diehard team of optimists and well meaning people, Dharamsala might be hopeful of driving a lot of world focus on Tibet through such a visit. It may also have many reasons to believe that a visit of Dalai Lama to China can open new doors for negotiations. Or, it will help Dalai Lama to understand the real intentions of Chinese leaders on Tibet. Dharamsala must also be quite genuine about its own intentions and expectations. But with centuries long unhappy experience of Tibetan leadership in dealing with China, it will be too naive to believe that they can beat China in extracting advantages out of any given situation.

Therefore sending Dalai Lama on a China visit in a situation when odds are heavily stacked against Tibet vis-a-vis China, there is a serious risk of confusing, demoralizing and finally losing all the three constituencies on whose support Dalai Lama has attained his popularity and Tibet has survived as an issue all these years in the world conscience. These constituencies are:

- Tibetan masses, living under the Chinese rule or in exile, who have successfully braved and maintained their resolve against Chinese colonialism while enduring all difficulties and dangers;

- Tibet support groups across the world who relentlessly and successfully gave an international dimension to the cause of Tibet and;

- the international community which includes parliaments, political leaders, civic society and action groups whose deep faith in democratic values and human rights of Tibetans gave Dalai Lama and Tibet the support and strength on which they stand today.

SEVEN RISKS
At a time when Dharamsala and Tibet appear to be in a highly vulnerable position vis-a-vis Beijing, it will be imperative for Dalai Lama as well as his advisors, to seriously measure the pros and cons of his proposed visit to China. To put these risks in specific terms:

One, the travel of a 'refugee' Dalai Lama to the same country from where he escaped 56 years ago on the ground that the conditions created by the colonial occupants of his country were too difficult and inhuman to live there, will amount to no less that issuing a 'no objection certificate' to whatever China has been doing in Tibet all these years. As an obvious corollary to this he is bound to lose his political, legal and moral identity and rights as a 'refugee' on his return to exile from such a visit.

Two, his visit will send this message to those millions of brave Tibetans who have endured all the atrocities and injustice at the hands of their colonial masters, that since their supreme leader has no problem with China, they too must stop bickering against Chinese occupation. Self immolation by more than 130 Tibetans in recent years (136 on record so far) to express their frustration against the Chinese colonial rule over Tibet only proves that unlike the dominant group of Tibetans in Dharamsala who appear to be pushing Dalai Lama to give up or patch up, the Tibetan people inside Tibet have not given up their national resolve or courage to face the Chinese regime. But the Dalai Lama visiting China and hugging Beijing leaders, is bound to deflate all the moral steam, patriotic zeal and national resolve out of Tibetan masses.

Three, Tibet support movement across the world has already lost most of its energy and enthusiasm because of Dharamsala's near-fanatic diktats against anti-China postures in recent years. It will be near impossible for these support groups to hold on to their cadres and support base when the world watches their hero hugging and shaking hands with the same 'villains' whom these groups have been opposing all these years. Once this support base and organizational structure crumbles or melts away, it will take another life time for Dalai Lama or his establishment to resuscitate international Tibet support movement back to life.

Four, enormous world media coverage of the visit of Dalai Lama to mainland China on the invitation and hosting of Tibet's colonial masters will simply leave this clear and unambiguous signal to the world that "all problems between the Dalai Lama and China have been sorted out". This means that all those individuals, organizations and action groups across the world who loved, admired and supported Dalai Lama simply because he was the best symbol of fight against the tyranny of colonialism, communism and anti-democratic powers will be made to believe that he no more needs their support.

Five, Beijing is bound to present this visit of Dalai Lama as the endorsement and certification of China's position on Tibet from none other than the supreme leader of Tibet and Tibetans. Hence it will lay its claim over all the respect, credibility and sheen that it had lost due to its sad record as a colonialist occupier of Tibet.

Six, if the Dalai Lama chooses China as the destination of his Buddhist pilgrimage, the communist masters of Beijing are bound to lap it up as the final 'ISO' certification of China as world's 'Buddhist Super Power' by the supreme spiritual leader of Buddhism. It will be interesting to see how a Dalai Lama and his exile establishment who have spent their life time in painting colonial rulers of their country as 'anti religion', 'anti Buddhism' and 'destroyers of Dharma' will manage this contradiction?

Seven, and last, but surely not the least, is the dreadful scenario of this happy looking marriage between Beijing and the Dalai Lama going to the rocks any day in future. Having dealt with China all their life, who else understands better than the Dalai Lama and his fellow Tibetans the real levels of honesty and loyalty that Beijing leaders hold towards their own commitments or agreements with others? On such a fateful day Tibetans would be shocked to discover that there is no one standing behind them as all cheering and clapping crowds have already melted away and the Tibet support movement has closed its shop long ago. In the eventuality of Beijing masters of Tibet turning back to their old games in Tibet, it is anybody's guess how much enthusiasm or commitment the world would be left with to save the Dalai Lama and his countrymen once again?

It is therefore high time for everyone who stands by the Tibetan people to realize and accept that Dharamsala has already lost a significant share of his political and strategic ground on the Tibetan front to Beijing and stands on an utterly weak and vulnerable ground vis-a-vis its (all) mighty opponent. Even his most optimistic sympathizers and supporters would agree that the Dalai Lama has nothing significant to gain from a Chinese 'pilgrimage' except some media grand-standing or, may be, some spiritual virtues as a practicing Buddhist. But who else other than the Dalai Lama himself would understand that such 'gains' are too petty and personal for a man who is already the darling of world media and is so deeply revered as the embodiment of Avalokiteshwara -- the God of Compassion?

GREAT HOPES IN DALAI LAMA
Many critics of Dharamsala have expressed fears that a dominant section among the Tibetan exile leadership appears desperate on cobbling up a deal with China on whatever terms. But even a junior student of history or diplomacy can testify with full confidence that history, especially the history of nations and peoples, keeps changing and that the world has consistently witnessed the mightiest of regimes melting away into oblivion without a whimper.

Innumerable examples of countries like India and Israel would help Tibetan leadership to understand that the greatest strength of a nation does not lie in opting for most comfortable solutions in a crisis, but in enduring difficult times and wait to be available on the day when history holds your rightful share to be returned to you. It will require a deep rethinking and detachment on the part of the Dalai Lama to distinguish between the historic responsibilities which his great institution has bestowed upon him and the current desperation that is guiding a dominant section among his advisors.

On the part of such group of desperate advisors too, they are advised not to lose their faith in Dalai Lama's political, social and spiritual wisdom. They should understand that by transferring his political powers to a democratically elected exile 'government' of Tibet he has already empowered and freed the Tibetan society to take Tibetan struggle far beyond the physical limits of his own life span or even relying on the institution of Dalai Lama in their struggle. This means that Dalai Lama has already realized the capacity of Tibetan society to take ahead its national struggle for many generations to come irrespective of whether next Dalai Lama is leading them or not.

As a professed follower of Mahatma Gandhi Dalai Lama is already aware of the enormous powers that Gandhian way of thinking and action holds. Therefore, a far better option for him would be to adopt some of the techniques which Gandhi successfully employed in dealing with the British colonial Raj that was far more powerful than today's China. For example, by sitting on a hunger strike for the cause of those 135 Tibetan who gave the supreme sacrifice for the freedom and human rights of their colonized countrymen, Dalai Lama can shake the world conscience far deeper than by visiting Wutai Shan and getting photographed by the international media as he shakes hands of the occupiers of his nation.

The author is a senior journalist and a Tibetologist with more than 30 years of association with the Tibet movement. He can be contacted at v.kranti@gmail.com

转自：http://www.phayul.com/news/article.aspx?id=35886

達珍：長眠在雪山中的西藏孩童

不知不覺離開故鄉已經12年了，時間過得真快，一轉眼這麼多年沒有回家了。如今的我沒有像當初流亡印度的時候那麼期待着回到家裡，提起回家讓我又想起了曾經初到印度北部的小山鎮達然薩拉西藏難民接待站的時候，令人心酸的一段話題。

自八十年代以來每年倆到三千多名藏人包括孩童離開西藏陸續的踏上流亡印度的旅程，他們翻山越嶺，越過饑寒交迫的冰天雪地，承受各種艱難險阻抵達目的地印度北部達然薩拉，其目的大多數是一致的。第一拜見自己的精神領袖尊者達賴喇嘛，第二能夠學習本民族傳統語言文化宗教。（阿波羅網 aboluowang.com）

這些逃亡者中還包括年僅六七歲的孩童，雖然一路風險是無法估計得，但是他們的父母寧願出高費讓蛇頭將自己的孩子送到印度的西藏學校中，從小接受本民族的傳統文化。不計其數的藏族兒童，被送上這條充滿生命危險的逃亡之路，他們的父母在作出這樣決定時候，要承受如何的心理煎熬？我們都是可以體會的。在印度北部西藏流亡政府中心地達然薩拉的西藏兒童村就可以見到部分曾經逃亡出來的時候，在冰天雪地中被凍傷手腳的孩童，其中還有截肢的，讓人觸目驚心當時他們是如何的毅力經歷着這樣危險的逃亡旅途。

出生在世界屋脊雪域西藏首府拉薩的我，小時候家裡生活條件不是很寬裕，但是父母勤儉節約供我們完成學業，從我牽着爸爸的手進入學校大門的那一天起，命中就註定了我要接受一個同自己民族毫無相干的文化。我在上初中的時候能夠說流利的普通話，逐漸的進一步學習和了解中國各個發展時期的歷史、地理及文化，回想起來遺憾的是那個年代我和我一樣的西藏學生對本民族的歷史宏期和政治變革在學校中一無所獲，包括我們相互談論問題和寫作、寄信全都是運用正方形的漢語漢文。那個時候的我，說句心裏話連藏文有幾個字根和字母都不清楚，因為在課堂上用不着，也根本沒有學過，無人重視藏文。到了高中時代我的內心開始漸漸地流蕩着一種自己也無法述說的悲觀，一種民族恥辱的陰影開始圍繞着我，但是我始終把他埋葬在內心深處，不敢流露出來。學校中大多數藏族學生基本上和我一樣從小就接受着完全漢式化的教育，在逐漸疏遠本民族的傳統文化、語言、習俗而他們同樣在一個布滿歧視、迷惑的社會中成長，卻無濟於事，甚至幸災樂禍呢？我也懷疑自己是不是在一個健康的環境當中成長？

藏人們非常羨慕和嚮往着能夠到佛教聖地印度，同時也因為許許多多的藏人流亡在印度，藏人的宗教信仰非常虔誠，將自己的上師達賴喇嘛視為最神聖的救世主，觀世音化生。哪怕獻出自己的生命代價也不敢違背和污衊上師，做出任何侮辱上師的行為言詞。然而自九十年代開始政府開始在西藏各地實施嚴厲取締藏人懸掛達賴喇嘛法相的活動，該政策在藏人界產生了極大的不良影響。很多藏人紛紛發出不滿的抗議聲，遭到監禁判刑和毒打。父母在家中懸掛和敬拜尊者達賴喇嘛法相之前還要將門窗關好，然後顫顫抖抖的從箱子中取出法相朝拜，他們的行為真的很像地下工作者，事實上是最純潔的沒有任何私心的。至今藏人們仍然被禁止懸掛自己上師的法相在家中，包括在寺院中，違反者一律遭到行事處罰。慢慢的，在故鄉周圍所發生的事情讓我感到厭惡了，離開故鄉到遙遠的印度去投靠達賴喇嘛的決心和勇氣每天在增長着。到了印度我就可以虛心的學習本民族文化和傳統習俗，增長自己的英文，未來就無需遺憾了！抱着這樣的心情與1998年年底我默默的離開了養育和滋潤我的親人與土地，踏上了逃亡旅程。

背着父母和家人，在幾位朋友的贊助下，我隨同22名藏人一起從拉薩乘坐一輛大卡車，倆天后抵達藏尼邊境定日縣境內。在蛇頭的帶動下我們下車在一座山溝中休息了四個多小時，後來才發現那是蛇頭為了方便等到天黑了以後再出發越過邊境關卡，下車後我們就開始了漫長而艱難的徒步逃亡了。天色漸漸暗下去後，我們22人排成一字形開始出發了，其中還包括6名6歲到9歲的孩童。記得當天晚上我們順利的越過了邊界關卡，然後開始邁向陡峭的山坡，天亮了以後四處都是像戈壁灘一樣的無人煙地區，我們可以大膽的邁入步伐前進了。我們每個人背上背着離家的時候所準備的糌粑，糌粑是藏人最具風味的食物，有益於攜帶的主食，是用炒熟的青稞磨成細粉的，非常健康的食物。可以和酥油茶同時拌用，也可以和清茶以及白開水或者涼水一起享用。除了糌粑還帶了多餘的一雙鞋子和毛毯，是為了救急用的。當我們步行一周的時間裏，那幾位天真可愛的孩童每人背上也背着個小包，等到我們休息用餐的時候，他們就會從自己的包中取出好像是家人所準備的巧克力和點心，還有火腿腸等零食自己享用，不讓我們吃。過了一個星期後，山坡和路途是越來越陡峭，進入尼泊爾邊境的時候還要再晚上夜行，惟恐被邊境軍警發現被抓，晚上行軍就比較方便，不過可苦了這些孩童。再漆黑的晚上步行雖說風險較少，而對我們這些背着沉重的包裹，不能使用手電筒，靠着月光邁動步伐真的很幸苦，經常性的絆倒或者墜入不太深的山溝中每天在我們周圍發生着，幸好沒有生命危險。

走了十多天後，我們的腳上開始起泡了，背上的包裹雖然每天在減少重量，但是對我們來說越來越沉重了，真的很想拋掉它或許可以輕鬆地走動，但是那就等於面臨著餓死。那些孩童更加可憐，話也少了，不像當初出發的時候那樣天真可愛，步伐也逐漸的緩慢了。當我們休息用餐的時候，他們甚至不約而同的請求我們吃掉他們包中的零食，希望減輕重量，想起來真的太可愛了。

有的時候白天在山溝中或者森林中休息，晚上趕夜路，有的時候可以在白天趕路晚上休息，每天的食物就是涼水伴着糌粑吃，吃飽了再趕路！大概走了15天後，我們要翻越大雪山了，巍峨壯觀的雪山屹立在我們的前方，就在那座大雪山上留下了不計其數的藏人足跡，也留下了很多無辜的生命。翻越雪山是逃亡藏人最艱險的路程，遇到壞天氣的話還面臨著凍死凍傷的生命危險，這座雪山被稱為夏宮笨，雪山這邊是西藏之地，雪山那邊是尼泊爾領地。感謝蒼天！我們翻越大雪山的時候天氣還不錯，蛇頭高興地手舞足蹈，之後念誦經文進行祈禱。我們開始爬雪山了，還是一字形排列着，蛇頭最先，然後每個大人之間有一個孩童，我們還被命令戴上眼鏡，因為會有雪盲。周圍被白色的雪山和冰塊圍繞着，我們沒有心情去欣賞這麼美麗的大自然風景，蛇頭挪動腳步後，後面的人開始把自己的腳步挪動到前面人留下的足跡中。就這樣我們慢慢地小心翼翼的挪動自己的步伐跟隨着前面的足跡，每個人的頭髮和眉毛被雪霜覆蓋著開始結成冰，大家顧不得，只是默默的趕路。四處不斷地聽到附近雪山的大雪塊醉入冰窖之中的聲音。現在想起來，如果攝影家能夠拍到那樣的場面，一定可以獲得世界級的貴冠。雖說是雪山，不過我發現腳步挪動的時候，地下全是冰塵上面被雪覆蓋的，稍不留神就會有餡下去的危險，怪不得在翻雪山之前蛇頭對我們講解了很多經驗，他讓我們千萬不要亂動步伐，要緊緊跟隨前面人的足跡挪動步伐，否則整個身子會墜入冰窟中，永遠無法出來。慢慢地爬行了五個多小時後，終於抵達雪山中界限了，我看到被石頭圍起來的大石堆周圍覆蓋著不計其數的西藏佛教五色彩旗，就是藏尼邊境了，也就是說從這裡挪步後就進入尼泊爾境內了。要離開自己的土地了，大伙兒心裏酸酸的，我們放下包裹，朝着故鄉的方向默默的訂禮三拜，眼淚不停使喚的流落在冰冷的面頰上，再見了！我親愛的西藏！生我養我的親人們！願佛祖保佑我們在不久的將來重逢在雪域聖地！

進入尼泊爾土地後，天氣越來越暖和了，風景如畫，每天在充滿大自然的森林中爬行着，隨着問題也越來越多了。首先是我們每個人的糌粑已經剩下不多了，只夠勉強的吃幾天了，而孩子們更是不願挪動步伐了，索性躺在地上說不走了。蛇頭是一位善良的康巴人，他盡量哄着孩子們說過倆天就到印度了，然後自己花錢從尼泊爾人開的小賣部中買些點心和糖果給孩子們吃。而我索性將自己從拉薩背來的毛毯在尼泊爾一戶小賣部中換了一代餅乾，美美的吃了三天。晝夜步行了23天我們終於抵達了尼泊爾首都加德滿都西藏難民接待站，接待站為我們提供了食物和住宿還有所需日用品。幾天後我們再有關工作人員的陪同下，通過新德里安全抵達目的地印度北部達然薩拉小山鎮，這裡也是聖尊達賴喇嘛的居住之地。

達然薩拉西藏難民接待站接待了我們，在接待站我認識了來自西藏康區甘孜的藏族小夥子扎噶，起初我還不敢相信這是事實，看上去皮膚白凈很帥的年輕小夥子，居然雙腿從膝蓋處被截肢了，但是他性格開朗每天總是面帶微笑，和我們談天說地。

扎噶和我很熟了，在接待站有一天他對我說：今生讓他難以忘記的就是：長眠在雪山中的兩個小男孩以及他們是如何的在他的雙腿上躺着閉上雙眼，永遠離開了這個世界。

聽了扎噶闡述的逃亡史，我們可算是幸運的了。他們43人組成的逃亡隊伍，與1998年年初從拉薩啟程，乘坐兩天兩夜的車子，就開始了晝夜步行的艱難行程了。扎噶述說著他們的經歷：當他們在翻越大雪山夏貢本的時候不幸的命運降臨在他們的身上，天氣突然巨變，封塵滾滾不斷的飄起了大雪。他們迷路了，在積雪幾米深的雪山中默默的直立着，根本無法脈動步伐。蛇頭也毫無辦法向他們一樣站立着，四處遙望，什麼也看不到，如果大家稍微挪動步伐就有危險陷進深不見底的冰窖中！孩子們開始哭喊，大人們開始情緒不穩定，就這樣，扎噶他們在大雪中足足站着又坐着熬過了五天五夜。他們當中約有8人的手腳凍僵了，最慘的就是扎噶本人和倆個7歲和8歲的小男孩，他們三人的雙腿已經完全不能動彈了，而其他的五人的雙手手指和腳趾凍死了。在雪地中和命運搏鬥艱難熬過五天後，奇蹟發生了，第六天天氣才開始逐漸的轉變，蛇頭認清了方向，知道如何繼續前進了。但是扎噶和倆個孩子的雙腿已經失去知覺了，尤其是扎噶的雙推從膝蓋處完全變色，成為紫色的雙腿了，慘不忍睹！大家相互看望着不知道如何是好，扎噶說話了：請您們放心的繼續前進吧！不要為我們擔心，我們三個會熬過來的，您們趕緊趁機會趕路，到了尼泊爾境內在請求尼泊爾人來救我們，這樣大家不用一起在這裡等死呀！在毫無選擇的情況下，大家依依不捨和蹲坐在冰天雪地上的扎噶與倆個孩童擁抱道別，開始啟程了，每個人心情很沉重，都在相互加油！同伴們的影子逐漸的消失在前方，扎噶和倆個孩子相互緊靠着在雪地上默默的坐着，期盼着救急人員及時的感到救助他們。過了一會兒，倆個孩子將頭靠躺在扎噶沒有知覺的大腿上，臉朝天開始說笑着。其中年僅7歲的男孩朵吉說到：哥哥！當初離開拉薩的時候，媽媽給我做了好吃的肉包子，真的很想再吃一頓呀！另外那位8歲的男孩也說到：我也是好想爸爸和媽媽呀！真的好冷呀！話還沒有說完，他的鼻孔流出黑色的血，身子顫動了一下沒氣了！扎噶睜大着眼睛看着男孩，過了幾分鐘，另外那位7歲的男孩朵吉也是身體抽動了幾下，斷氣了！面帶恐懼的扎噶不知所措的望着躺在自己雙腿上的兩個曾經天真可愛的小男孩就這樣離開了世界，命運對藏人實在太不公平了，還沒有看清這個世界的倆個小生命就這樣長眠在這座恐怖的雪山中，在結束生命之前還渴望着吃到媽媽做的肉包子。再也控制不住的的扎噶大聲遙望雪山放生痛哭起來，扎噶的哭聲似乎感動了天地，附近的大冰塊和大雪塊紛紛墜落，不斷地發出迴音，好像也在和扎噶一起哭泣！

不知道過了多長時間，扎噶領悟到，我一定要振作起來，勇敢地走出去。他將靜靜的躺在自己雙腿上的倆個小男孩慢慢地扶倒在身邊的雪地上，念誦祈禱經文，然後在他們的小軀體上覆蓋積雪，一直看不到他們的身體為止，這樣就算埋葬了！扎噶將上衣衣服的袖子使勁的用嘴拉到手掌前方，像手套一樣套住自己的雙手，然後沿着早上同伴們離去的足跡，身子向動物一樣，靠着前半身的體力開始慢慢地爬行了。他自己也不知道爬行了多久，終於在前方看到迷惑不清影子了，扎噶看到了生命的希望，繼續爬行，影子越來越近了，看清了，是同伴們請求尼泊爾人來救援了，扎噶獲救了！被直升飛機緊急送到加德滿都進行搶救的扎噶，被醫生證實，如果雙腿從膝蓋處不截肢的話生命有危險。為了求生，扎噶只能同意截肢了。
扎噶長長地吸了口氣對我說：我這麼年輕就沒有雙腿了，但是我還活着，抵達了自己的目的地達然薩拉，拜見到尊者達賴喇嘛，沒有比這更可貴的。但是我今生難以忘懷的就是長眠在雪山中倆位躺在我腿上離開人世的小男孩！

註解：43名逃亡者中，扎噶雙腿被截肢，兩名小男孩長眠在雪山裡，其它五人中倆人的腳趾被截肢，三人的手指被截肢，除了扎噶在達然薩拉諾布林卡學習畫畫，其餘五人都已完成學業在各自的領域中發展。

2010年8月26日完稿於與澳洲

转自 https://www.tibet.org.tw/com_detail.php?com_id=460

朱瑞：西藏人民有自决权

藏人的历史观：1950年西藏失去独立

只要我们稍读藏人自己写就的历史，如夏格巴. 旺秋德丹先生的《西藏政治史》和达赖喇嘛尊者自传《流亡中的自在》 ，就会发现：历史上西藏是个独立的国家。即使早期的西藏史书，如十四、五世纪的《朗氏家族史》(1)《红史》(2)《青史》(3) 等，虽然不可能强调这一点，但一桩桩历史事件都鲜明地呈现着西藏文化的同一性，民族的同一性，并且，西藏政府是从内部产生的，从来都不是任何一个国家政权的傀儡， 尤其是西藏还有着明确的疆域，而这一切，正是国家的特征。

过去中国人写就的历史，包括《唐书》《资治通鉴》 《清史稿》等，提到西藏时，也都是作为一个国家的，甚至作为一个强大的国家。如《旧唐书. 吐蕃传》就有“蕃国展礼”“蕃国守镇”“大渡水西南，为蕃界”等语。

另外，那些历史上与西藏发生过战争和签属过条约的国家 ，毫无疑问，也都把西藏看作一个独立的国家的。如1684年《西藏拉达克条约》、1856年《藏尼条约》、1904年《藏英拉萨条约》、1912年《藏蒙乌兰巴托条约》、1914年《藏英联合声明》、1914年《藏英通商章程》等等。

西藏真正失去独立地位，是从1950年中国入侵开始，这也是西藏人民的普遍认知。


中国的“自古以来”说

但是，《十七条协议》签属后，中国开始声称“西藏自古以来就是中国的一部分”。依据如下：

1，文城公主嫁给了松赞干布，所以西藏属于中国。

但是，“图伯特史料记载，君主松赞干布娶有五个王妃，前三个是藏人：芒妃墀嘉、象雄妃勒托曼、木雅茹妃嘉姆增；第四个是尼泊尔的墀尊公主，最后一个是中国的文成公主。”(4)

2，从元朝开始，西藏就属于了中国。

但是，元朝其实是蒙古帝国，它与中国之间是征服与被征服的关系。尽管当时西藏也是被蒙古征服的国家，不过，西藏高僧被尊为国师，巴思八还创制了蒙文。整个西藏由藏人自己（萨迦政权）管理。荷兰藏学家迈克尔.C. 范普拉赫在《西藏的地位》一书中总结了蒙藏关系：“蒙古对西藏的征服统治与蒙古对中国的征服统治之间并没有任何联系。蒙古与西藏的关系是民族、文化、尤其是通过宗教建立的两个民族密切友好的关系，这种密切的关系不管是蒙古或西藏均未与中国人一起分享。”

3，从清朝开始，西藏就属于了中国。

清朝是满州人建立的王朝。并且，与西藏之间是“供施”关系， 即老师与学生的关系，这在《西藏的地位》（第七章“各种政治实体的法律地位”）中，分析得很具体。需要指出的是，中国御用学者一直把这种“供施关系”偷换为“朝贡关系”，以证明西藏与中国的隶属关系。其实，当时被中国归为“朝贡”关系的国家很多，在《西藏的地位》一书中，就例举了高丽、泰国、缅甸、蒙古、老挝、葡萄牙、尼泊尔、爪哇等等。那么，为什么中国“学者”没有把以上国家都归为中国的一部分呢？是不是就因为西藏已进入了殖民者的血盆大口，想怎么说就怎么说了？

然而，中国并没有因为谎言被揭穿而回归历史，相反，近年的白皮书，甚至声称“自从人类活动以来”西藏就是中国的一部分了。因此，国际著名藏学家、印第安那大学教授艾略特•史伯岭（Elliot Sperling）博士说：“对中国而言，历史根本不是一个可以拿来衡量中国主权主张的客观标准……只是政府与党的工具，假如无法达成想要的政治目的，即可弃之如蔽屣。” (5) 

“自古以来”说的目的是剥夺藏人的自决权

曾看到“人民日报”发表过一篇名为《什么是民族自决权》的文章。 洋洋洒洒，头头是道，很是支持“民族自决权”。但读到下面这句话时，不由得倒抽一口冷气：“在多民族国家中，少数民族享有与同一国家内其他民族平等的权利，但一般意义上的少数民族不是民族自决权的主体，个人也不能因为属于某一民族而随意主张所谓的自决权。”

狼终于露出了尾巴。这就是为什么中国当局一直把西藏民族归为中国的“少数民族”，并咬住“自古以来西藏就是中国的一部分”不放的目的，即剥夺藏人的“自决权”。这也是为什么，中国“藏学研究”，无论怎样兴师动众地出书、召开会议，都不被国际藏学界承认，因为这些“藏学研究”，是不能逾越“自古以来西藏就是中国的一部分”这个底线的。

也有些身在民主国家的华人“学者”，虽然没有直接承认中国当局的“自古以来”说，但他们只强调达赖喇嘛尊者的“中间道路”——要求在中国框架下寻求自治的一面，遮蔽了达赖喇嘛尊者和西藏人民的历史观。甚至公开改写西藏史，硬说历史上西藏是处于“自治”状态的，并强调“康”和“安多”不在噶厦政府的管辖之内：

“西藏和內地路途遙遠，交通不便，歷史上，朝廷採取的是讓西藏自治的帝國政策……”

“当年的十七条协议，在西藏噶厦政府和中国中央政府之间签订，只覆盖了历史上噶厦政府政治管辖的西藏，而不涉噶厦政府管治范围之外的‘四省藏区’，即传统西藏的康和安多两地。” (6)

这显然都是为中国民主化后，剥夺藏人的“自决权”作准备，也是中国当局的“自古以来西藏就是中国的一部分”之说的新版本。


联合国宪章对民族自决权的规定和达赖喇嘛尊者的“中间道路”

《联合国宪章》的第一章“宗旨和原则”的中，清晰地规定了“尊重人民平等权利及自决原则”(7)，而在《给予殖民地国家和人民独立宣言》中，庄严地宣布了“需要迅速和无条件地结束一切形式和表现的殖民主义”“所有的人民都有自决权；依据这个权利，他们自由地决定他们的政治地位，自由地发展他们的经济，社会和文化。”“不得以政治、经济、社会或教育方面的准备不足作为拖延独立的借口。”(8)

其他国际宣言和公约中，“民族自决权”也得到了确认，如《关于人民与民族的自决权的决议》、《国际法原则宣言》、《关于自然资源永久主权的宣言》、《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》、《经济、社会及文化权利国际公约》等。

基于西藏独立的历史事实和《联合国宪章》的相关规定，西藏人民毫无疑问拥有“自决权”。因而达赖喇嘛尊者在流亡之初，也把恢复西藏的独立地位作为目的。但从1974年起， 根据国际形势等变化，尊者又提出了解决西藏问题的“中间道路”，即在中国框架下，实现名符其实的自治。但这并不意味着承认了中国当局的“自古以来”说，相反，达赖喇嘛尊者在《流亡中的自在》一书中，对《十七条协议》提出了尖锐的质疑：

“协议”的第一条是“西藏人应团结起来，驱逐帝国主义者的侵略力量。西藏人民应该回归祖国大家庭——中华人民共和国”这是什么意思？最后驻扎藏地的外国军队是1912年的满清军队。据我所知（截至目前所知），那时西藏只有少数欧洲人。而西藏“回归祖国”的说法，实在是无耻的发明。西藏从未隶属于中国。(9)

无论西藏人民寻求“中间道路”还是恢复独立，作为中国人，尤其是中国境内外的民主人士，都应该尊重并支持他们的选择，这也是尊重和支持他们天经地义的自决权。



注释：

（1）《朗氏家族史》（又译《朗氏灵犀宝卷》），作者降求坚赞，为西藏帕竹政权的执政王。此书写于十四世纪。

（2）《红史》又名为《乌兰史册》，为蒙古语译名。作者为蔡巴. 贡噶多吉，早年为蔡巴万户长，后出家为僧。此书作于十四世纪。

（3）《青史》又名《图博雪域佛法如何出现和传播的故事》 作者为管. 宣奴贝。为著名的学者和译师。 此书作于十五世纪，后被俄罗斯藏学家乔治罗维奇 (George de Roerich)和根敦群佩合译为英文，名为Blue Annals

（4）摘自唯色推文（2016年2月14日）。

（5）摘自艾略特·史伯岭论文《自治？请三思！》

（6）详见丁一夫的《中央統戰小組與西藏問題僵局》和李江琳的《西藏僵局的症结——平措汪杰回忆“大西藏问题”》

（7）《联合国宪章》http://www.un.org/chinese/aboutun/charter/chapter1.htm

（8）《给予殖民地国家和人民独立宣言》http://www.un.org/zh/events/decolonization50/declaration.shtml

（9） 摘自达赖喇嘛自传《流亡中的自在》第四章 避难南藏 第75页。




——2016年4月台湾汉藏会议论文

朱瑞：告别隆德寺的早晨

锡金隆德寺      朱瑞摄于2013年2月

我必须上路了。很早的早晨，我和达尔吉来到隆德寺告别。刚走进辨经场，就遇上一位我们熟悉的老僧人。他曾在十六世嘉华噶玛巴的客厅里接待过我们，此刻，正站在佛殿对面的那排房子前，向我们招手呢。我和达尔吉一起走过去，他向我们问候“扎西得勒”，又打开身后的房门，让我们先进去。这就是他家了：侧面是一个佛龛，里面有达赖喇嘛尊者的照片和几位噶举巴上师的塑像，佛龛对面是个长沙发，沙发之上，摆着不丹国王和王后的照片。

老僧人拿出一个绸子坐垫，放在了沙发上，我刚要坐上去，他指了指达尔吉：“这不是给你的，是给喇嘛的。”

我笑了起来。

老僧人可不笑。又倒了两杯酥油茶，也是先递给达尔吉，然后才给我。这是古老的西藏传统，对出家人，总是格外被敬重的。可是，在西藏，如今完全颠倒了。同化，有时并不是把枪口对准你，非要你做汉人喜欢做的事情、远离祖先的训诫，而是神不知鬼不觉的，像一阵旋风，吹得你找不到了方向。

老僧人又为我们端来了一小碗糌粑，我和达尔吉们分别揑一点点，向佛法僧致敬，向天空扬了三下，这才喝起酥油茶。这时，老僧人又盛了两小碗吉祥米饭，端给了我们，非要我们吃。

“古修啦，您出生在西藏还是锡金？”我问老僧人。

“既不是西藏，也不是锡金，是不丹，不过，我来隆德寺出家五十多年了。”老僧人一边说着，一边打开了橱柜，拿出一双崭新的图伯特传统靴子。靴脸是白色的氆氇，前尖向上翘起，红色的靴腰， 黄色的缎子镶边。接下来，老僧人又拿出了两根黄色缎带，绑上了靴腰。随后，他又系上了一个华丽的水袋，披上一个崭新的深红色袈裟……他的打扮，说实话，我只在古老的西藏录相中才看到过，此刻，仿佛时间倒流，我回到了从前的从前，回到了绚烂的图伯特。

一切就续，老僧人给了我和达尔吉每人一条哈达。这时，法号响起，那么庄严悦耳，仿佛四周的群山都在倾听，欢欣鼓舞。我们和老僧人一起走了出来。院子里已出现了一个香客，还有一些小孩子在辨经场上跑着。吹法号的是两位穿着黄色缎子长衣的僧人，也都穿着古老的藏靴，戴着上翘的红色法帽，那法号显然是银制的，带着金子的镂花镶边，那么华美。

我和达尔吉穿过辨经场，首先来到佛殿后面的十六世嘉华噶玛巴舍粒塔前朝拜，献上了哈达。见舍粒塔，如同亲见法王，如同法王仍然驻世。达尔吉把他的哈达系在了了舍粒塔室外的一个柱子上，以示我们的敬意。

接下来，我和达尔吉又来到前面的佛殿，我在嘉华噶玛巴的法座前，献上哈达，头触法座，虔诚祈祷......

——选自我的长篇纪实《被消失的国家》第三章 锡金

“Windhorse, Windhorse, Please Carry André Home…” By Woeser

High Peaks Pure Earth has translated a blogpost by Woeser that was posted on her blog on February 1, 2012. The original post, although written in December 2007, was only posted a few days ago along with a new introduction by Woeser that has also been translated below. 

The sudden passing of André Alexander has saddened many and he will be greatly missed. For reader who would like to read more about his incredible work with Tibet Heritage Fund, please follow the link: http://www.tibetheritagefund.org/

I want to start by saying that I only met André twice but I always wanted to write about him. I once wrote an article, about him and his organisation Tibet Heritage Fund and about how he was made to leave Lhasa by the authorities. He told me not to publish it then because he one day wanted to return to Lhasa.

I often flick through the pages of the heavy photo book he gave me “The Temples of Lhasa”, he is the author and in the book is the Lhasa of his mind’s eye that today has already changed. Many Lhasa people remember him, they all call him André, remember his slight frame, curly blonde hair and how he liked to wear Tibetan jackets.

I really like the small publication produced by Tibet Heritage Fund ‘A Brief Introduction of Historic Architecture in Lhasa Barkhor’. Black and white hand-drawn maps, folded pages, in the style of traditional Tibetan paper. Like a tiny, invisible museum, on display are drawings on paper of the Barkhor. In the fine and simple pictures, I see the life of Lhasa people, giving me endless things to imagine and sets off nostalgia, no matter how much I look at them, I can’t look at them enough. However, much has already been badly damaged, mottled traces and crumbling shadows mark the current situation of Lhasa people.

André started to restore old buildings in Lhasa but one day upset the officials. One time, he told experts from the United Nations who evaluate cultural heritage that a department store was built on the original site of an aristocratic house that was three centuries old… In 2002, after being expelled from Lhasa, André and Tibet Heritage Fund did a lot of work for the preservation of Beijing hutongs. It seems that later this could also not be continued. I heard that he went to the Himalayan region of Ladakh and other places where historic buildings and monasteries could be restored. On Facebook I would see photos of him and he’d be amongst ruins or in buildings that were being repaired.

Two months ago I wrote André a letter. Officials and businessmen were collaborating on a large shopping complex in Lhasa near the old city and there was work around the clock to extract groundwater for this “Divine Times Square” project, sending Lhasa people into panic, I asked André if this would all cause damage.

André, grieved, said, “Water is a big problem in Tibet because big hydropower stations are being constructed everywhere. Already, Lhasa’s environment has been seriously damaged and polluted, greedy developers, supported by greedy government officials are turning Lhasa valley into a big factory. If the Lhalu wetlands become dry, then it will all be too late.”

I still had questions that I wanted to ask him, I also wanted to tell him that that I wrote about him in my book “Tibet: 2008″ that was published last year. But the just turned 47 year old André suffered a sudden heart attack and died on January 21 in Berlin… On his Facebook page I looked at all his photos and saw how happy he looked in the photos from when he lived in Lhasa, looking youthful, these were the most beautiful.

André’s former girlfriend Lharigtso was our translator when we met, full of sorrow, she shared these touching stories about André:

“André was fascinated by the architecture of Tibet, the nature and the culture, and had a warm connection to it. He could wander around the Jokhang Temple, Ramoche and many small temples every day. He said that the Lhasa fried potatoes street food was his favourite but later said that the potatoes were tasting worse and worse: “When it’s made by Gyami (Chinese), it doesn’t taste good.”

His familiarity with the geography of Lhasa was always something I admired. Every time we would be in the old part of the city, I’d follow him and his brisk pace and discover many small lanes and alleys, it surprised me a lot!

From 2003 to the present, the changed environment of Lhasa upset him to tears. Walking in the Barkhor, sometimes he would suddenly stop, cover his chin with his right arm, his head shaking. I’d see tears welling up in his blue eyes…

He later went to Lhasa several times. In 2008 he went to Amdo with his parents and then took a train to Lhasa. In 2010, 2011 and even a month ago he’d been in Lhasa.

André liked to eat sweet things, he liked to watch films and would sometimes cry when watching cartoons… From 14 or 15 years of age he became vegetarian but he would bite at his fingers and I used to say, you are eating your own meat haha …. he most liked to take his small Swiss army knife and trim his own hair, this was when he was most relaxed…these are the kinds of things he would do …”

A friend wrote the following on André’s Facebook and it’s also something I’d like to say to André: “Preservation of architectural heritage in the Himalayas will never be the same now that André has left us. May the windhorse of the Himalayas and Tibet take you higher and higher to the field of absolute serenity and peace. And may your journey be filled with new discoveries and may you encounter the Devas, Dakinis, the Protectors, the Vidyadharas of India and Tibet and all those deities of the cosmic lineage and share with them the story of your life.. Bon Voyage my friend, bon voyage gentle soul……….. ”

Windhorse, windhorse, please carry André home…

Finally, here is the article I wrote about André four years ago and is my tribute to him. The photos above are from his time in Lhasa.

“The Westerners Restoring the Old Lhasa City”
By Woeser

No one knows how Tibet Heritage Fund (THF) offended the Chinese authorities in Tibet. It has been five years since they were expelled from Lhasa in 2002. THF is a nongovernmental and non-profit international organisation. It was founded in 1996 in Lhasa by André Alexander from Germany, Pimpim de Azevedo from Portugal and a few other people. It mainly focuses on ‘researching and protecting the historic city Lhasa’. Even today, many Tibetans in Lhasa including lamas and ordinary people are always thinking of them. They say that they have never seen people who cherished the old buildings in Lhasa so much. THF worked with a more serious attitude than even the local people, and it worked with heart, which sometimes made local people feel guilty. Why did the government have to urge them to leave?

Some say that its work was so excellent that it made the authorities who were meant to ‘serve the people’ feel ashamed. It is listed on the website of THF that since 1996 when the restoration plan for the old city of Lhasa was started, “THF had completely repaired 12 historic residences and 1 temple, basically restored 3 residences, done emergency repairs for 18 residential buildings, upgraded water supply and sanitation facilities for more than 1,000 residents in the old city, built 2 public toilets, paved laneways, rebuilt 1 and restored 1 stupa, reinforced the fifteenth century frescoes in an ancient temple in the south of Lhasa. The total investment above was over 800,000 US dollars. It had provided job and training opportunities for more than 300 Tibetans.” In fact, they have saved 76 historic and traditional buildings in and around Lhasa.

Some say that they had uncovered the reality of the old buildings in Lhasa in both publications and on internet, which enraged the authorities which alleged to well protected Tibetan culture. For example, in the album of paintings named ‘A Brief Introduction of Historic Architecture in Lhasa Barkhor’, it is said that ‘the ancient architecture and blocks in the old city in Barkhor were continually destroyed during the process of urban construction since 1980′. On every Barkhor map that was drawn by local painters, the fragmentary shape and mottled trace of the architecture seems to show that what disappears with the demolition is not only the old buildings, but also a nation’s way of life. In their website, THF pointed out that “since 1993, an average of 35 historic buildings have been demolished. If this speed was to be maintained, the remaining historic buildings would all disappear in less than four years’ time.”

Some others say that what they did was only to work hard with the Tibetan workers, but ignored the prevalent ‘hidden rules’ that were popular in Lhasa and even the whole of China. Restoring urban buildings is a profitable project, and many corrupt officials, from top to bottom, are hoping to get profit from it. But THF had never bribed the officials, in which case the officials would rather give the project to Chinese construction companies that know the ‘hidden rules’ well and would make the officials benefit from the project. However, there has to be a good reason to expel THF, and in Tibet, the most severe punishment must have something to do with politics. This is why one day in 2002 the state dictatorship authorities sent a car to take them to a plane to leave Lhasa.

Over the years, I’m filled with adoration and respect to THF’s work. I have downloaded all the text and images on its website, and I have also been asking about its situation after leaving Lhasa. Not long ago I looked at the English version of the photo book ‘The Temples of Lhasa’, and my admiration for THF has increased. If it was not true respect and love for Tibetan culture, there would never be such benevolent spirit and abundant energy for THF to work until today. THF is the eyewitness of how Tibetan traditional culture faces the impact of Sinicisation and globalisation, and how Tibet struggles to maintain its own culture. Just like what André Alexander said sadly, ‘each time I go to Tibet, the old houses are significantly reduced – a stone, a brick, a lane, a street, even the dogs are “disappearing”…’

December, 2007

http://highpeakspureearth.com/2012/windhorse-windhorse-please-carry-andre-home-by-woeser/